| Your letter of the 12th
instant has relieved me of some apprehension. Yet it is well that it should
be perfectly understood by the truly sound part of the Federalists that
there do, in fact, exist intrigues in good earnest between several individuals
not unimportant, of the federal party, and the person in question, which
are bottomed upon motives and views by no means auspicious to the real
welfare of the country. I am glad to find that it is in the contemplation
to adopt a plan of conduct. It is very necessary; and, to be useful, it
must be efficient and comprehensive in the means which it embraces, at
the same time that it must mediate none which are not really constitutional
and patriotic. I will comply with your invitation by submitting some ideas
which, from time to time, have passed through my mind.
Nothing is more fallacious
than to expect to produce any valuable or permanent results in political
projects by relying merely on the reason of men. Men are rather reasoning
than reasonable animals, for the most part governed by the impulse of passion.
This is well understood by our adversaries, who have practised upon it
with no small benefit to their cause; for at the very moment they are eulogizing
the reason of men, and professing to appeal only to that faculty, they
are courting the strongest and most active passion of the human heart,
vanity! It is no less true that the Federalists seem not to have attended
to the fact sufficiently; and that they have erred in relying so much on
the rectitude and utility of their measures as to have neglected the cultivation
of popular favor, by fair and justifiable expedients. The observation has
been repeatedly made to me by individuals with whom I particularly conversed,
and expedients suggested for gaining good will, which were never adopted.
Unluckily, however, for us, in the competition for the passions of the
people, our opponents have great advantages over us; for the plain reason
that the vicious are far more active than the good passions; and that,
to win the former to our side, we must renounce our principles and our
objects and unite in corrupting public opinion till it becomes fit for
nothing but mischief. Yet, unless we can contrive to take hold of, and
carry along with us some strong feelings of the mind, we shall in vain
calculate upon any substantial or durable results.
Whatever plan we may adopt,
to be successful, must be founded on the truth of this proposition. And
perhaps it is not very easy for us to give it full effects; especially
not without some deviations from what, on other occasions, we have maintained
to be right. But in determining upon the propriety of the deviations, we
must consider whether it be possible for us to succeed, without, in some
degree, employing the weapons which have been employed against us, and
whether the actual state and future prospect of things be not such as to
justify the reciprocal use of them. I need not tell you that I do not mean
to countenance the imitation of things intrinsically unworthy, but only
of such as may be denominated irregular; such as, in a sound and stable
order of things, ought not to exist. Neither are you to infer that any
revolutionary result is contemplated. In my opinion, the present Constitution
is the standard to which we are to cling. Under its banners, bona fide,
must we combat our political foes, rejecting all changes but through the
channel itself provides for amendments. By these general views of the subject
have my reflections been guided. I now offer you the outline of the plan
which they have suggested.
Let an association be
formed to be denominated ``The Christian Constitutional Society.'' Its
objects to be:
1st. The support of the
Christian religion.
2d. The support of the
Constitution of the United States.
Its organization:
1st. A council, consisting
of a president and twelve members, of whom four and the president to be
a quorum.
2d. A sub-directing council
in each State, consisting of a vice-president and twelve members, of whom
four, with the vice-president to be a quorum.
3d. As many societies of
each State as local circumstances permit to be formed by the sub-directing
council.
The meeting at Washington
to nominate the president and the vice-president, together with four members
of each of the councils, who are to complete their own numbers respectively.
Its means:
The diffusion of information.
For this purpose not only the newspapers, but pamphlets, must be largely
employed, and to do this a fund must be created; five dollars annually,
for eight years, to be contributed by each member who can really afford
it (taking care not to burthen the less able brethren), may afford a competent
fund for a competent term. It is essential to be able to disseminate gratis
useful publications. Wherever it can be done, and there is a press, clubs
should be formed, to meet once a week, read the newspapers, and prepare
essays, papagraphs, etc.
2d. The use of all lawful
means in concert to promote the election of fit men; a lively correspondence
must be kept up between the different societies.
3d. The promoting of institutions
of charitable and useful nature in the management of Federalists. The
populous cities ought particularly to be attended to; perhaps it would
be well to institute in such places 1st, societies for the relief of emigrants;
2d, academies, each with one professor, for instructing the different classes
of mechanics in the principles of mechanics and the elements of chemistry.
The cities have been employed by the Jacobins to give an impulse to the
country; and it is believed to be an alarming fact that, while the question
of presidential election was pending in the House of Representatives, parties
were organizing in several of the cities in the event of there being no
election, to cut off the leading Federalists and seize the government.
The foregoing to be the principal
engine.... This is the general sketch of what has occurred to me. It is
at the service of my friends for so much as it may be worth.
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